quarta-feira, 9 de julho de 2008

Vargas, the Integralists, and the suppression of the Left (Getúlio Vargas)

Threatened by pro-Communist elements in labor critical of the rural latifundios, Vargas reined in his shaky alliance with labor and began formally co-opting the less intimidating fascist movement.
As he moved to the right after 1934, his ideological character and association with a global ideological orbit, however, remained ambiguous — reminiscent of the early phases of leftist leaders Fidel Castro and Daniel Ortega. To fill this ideological void and promote his new rightist policies, Vargas began moving against the tenentes while encouraging the growth of fascist paramilitaries. ‘Integralism’, founded and led by Plínio Salgado, who adopted Fascist and Nazi symbolism and salutes, offered Vargas a new political base. A green-shirted paramilitary organization directly financed by Mussolini and Hitler, Integralism's propaganda campaigns were borrowed directly from Nazi models — excoriations of Marxism, liberalism, and Jews, that espoused fanatical nationalism (out of context in the heterogeneous and tolerant nation) and "Christian virtues."
Vargas tolerated this rise of anti-Semitism, and may have acted upon the Integralists’ popularization of anti-Semitism. One example of his alleged anti-Semitism was the deportation of the pregnant, German-born Jewish wife of Luís Carlos Prestes, Olga Benário Prestes, convicted of being a spy working for the USSR and an illegal immigrant, to Nazi Germany, where she would die in a concentration camp. Vargas's anti-Communism and increasing conservatism also encouraged an alliance between the government and the Catholic Church, similar to Mussolini's arrangement following the Lateran Pacts.
Vargas forced Congress to respond to the growth of the Aliança Nacional Libertadora (ANL), a leftist coalition led by the Communist Party and Luís Carlos Prestes. A revolutionary forerunner of Che Guevara, Prestes led the legendary but futile ‘Long March’ through the rural Brazilian interior following his participation in the failed 1922 tenente rebellion against the coffee oligarchs. This experience, however, left Prestes and some of his followers sceptical of armed conflict. Nonetheless, Congress branded all leftist opposition as "subversive" under a March 1935 National Security Act that allowed the President to ban the ANL, which was forced — reluctantly — to begin another armed insurrection in November. The authoritarian regime responded by imprisoning and torturing Prestes and violently crushing the Communist movement through state terror like that of the European police states.
Although ‘the father of the poor’ expanded the electorate, granted women's suffrage, enacted social security reforms, legalized labor unions as a populist, Vargas also whittled down the autonomy of labor and crushed a series of peasant revolts known as the cangaço.

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