quarta-feira, 9 de julho de 2008

Vargas and the Revolution of 1930 (Getúlio Vargas)


Between the two World Wars, Brazil was a rapidly industrializing nation popularly regarded as "the sleeping giant of the Americas" and a potential world power. However, the oligarchic and decentralized confederation of the Old Republic, dominated by landed interests, in effect, showed little concern for promoting industrialization, urbanization, and other broad interests of the new middle class.
Bourgeois and military discontent, heightened by the Great Depression's impact on the Brazilian economy, led to a bloodless coup d'état on October 24, 1930 that ousted President Washington Luís and his heir-apparent Júlio Prestes. Júlio Prestes at this point was the newly elected president. However, the whole process was questioned and denounced as fraudulent. Revolutionary activity began before the new president took office. Regional leaderships in several states dissatisfied with the state of São Paulo's political dominance joined together in opposition. Anticlimactic as it was, this was a watershed in Brazilian history — a liberal, bourgeois revolution that ushered out the political preeminence of the paulista coffee oligarchs. The military, traditionally active in Brazilian politics, installed Vargas as "provisional president." A populist governor of Rio Grande do Sul and the former presidential candidate of the Liberal Alliance, Vargas had been "defeated" by Prestes in the disputed election earlier that year.
Vargas was a wealthy pro-industrial nationalist and anti-communist who favored capitalist development and liberal reforms, but actually posed a serious threat to the elite Paulista gentry. This opposition would later be radicalized in the 1932 movement that was initially aimed at the establishment of a new constitution. Vargas's Liberal Alliance drew support from wide ranges of Brazil's burgeoning urban middle class and a group of tenentes, who had grown frustrated to some extent with the politics of coronelismo and café com leite.
Vargas from within the partisan elite ran on a populist and protectionist platform during his unsuccessful 1930 campaign. The coup d'état laid the foundations of a modern Brazil that is highly industrialized, but still considered a part of the Third World.
However moderate these aims were, opposition arose among the powerful Paulista coffee oligarchs who had grown accustomed to their domination of Brazilian politics. This opposition ignited the military movement of 1932 when the Paulista elite was defeated, a situation that marked the definitive transition from the Brazilian "old republic" and its entry into a new economic cycle no longer focused on coffee and other commodity production, but on stimulating industrial development. His tenuous coalition also lacked a coherent program, being committed to a broad vision of modernization, but little more specific. Vargas' long career (including his eventual dictatorship, modelled, surprisingly considering the liberal roots of his regime, along the lines of European Fascism), may be explained by his balancing the conflicting ideological constituencies, regionalism and economic interests within the vast, diverse and socio-economically varied nation.
Vargas, in effect, sought to forge a corporatist, centralized state along Fascist lines to mitigate disparate class interests and to quell disorder.

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